Bu makale, Donald Trump\u2019a sembolik d\u00fczeyde de olsa Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc madalyas\u0131 takdim edilmesini, uluslararas\u0131 normatif d\u00fczenin yap\u0131sal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak ele almaktad\u0131r. Bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel ve kuramsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc; hegemonya, postkolonyal ele\u015ftiri, insan haklar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi ve biyopolitika literat\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u00c7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n temel sav\u0131, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n etik bir ideali temsil etmekten \u00e7\u0131karak k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerinin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc; mazlum halklar\u0131n ise bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te sistematik bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftirildi\u011fidir. Trump\u2019\u0131n bar\u0131\u015fla ili\u015fkilendirilmesi, yaln\u0131zca tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir politik tercihin de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel vicdan\u0131n kurumsal \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn sembolik bir ifadesi olarak okunmaktad\u0131r. Makale, bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n yeniden halklar lehine \u201cgeri al\u0131nmas\u0131\u201d gerekti\u011fini savunan normatif bir sonu\u00e7la sonlanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda in\u015fa edilen uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczen, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 normatif bir hedef olarak tan\u0131mlarken onu ayn\u0131 zamanda jeopolitik bir strateji alan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bretton Woods kurumlar\u0131, Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler sistemi ve insan haklar\u0131 rejimi, k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde bar\u0131\u015f idealiyle in\u015fa edilmi\u015f olsa da pratikte g\u00fc\u00e7 hiyerar\u015filerini yeniden \u00fcreten mekanizmalar h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir (Chomsky, 1999).<\/p>\n
Donald Trump gibi nativist, pop\u00fclist ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir liderin bar\u0131\u015fla, sembolik d\u00fczeyde dahi, ili\u015fkilendirilmesi bu kavramsal erozyonun en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr \u00f6rneklerinden biridir. Burada s\u00f6z konusu olan yaln\u0131zca hatal\u0131 bir sembol politikas\u0131 de\u011fil; \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inin bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7 sahipleri taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilmesidir.<\/p>\n
Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, Trump\u2019a verilen bar\u0131\u015f madalyas\u0131n\u0131 tekil bir istisna de\u011fil, daha geni\u015f bir yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn semptomu olarak yorumlamaktad\u0131r. Bu ama\u00e7la \u00f6nce literat\u00fcrdeki temel kuramsal yakla\u015f\u0131mlar ele al\u0131nacak; ard\u0131ndan bar\u0131\u015f \u00f6d\u00fcllerinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen i\u015flevi, Trumpizm ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birle\u015fen insan haklar\u0131 erozyonu ile mazlum halklar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftirilmesi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zl\u0131k (negative peace) de\u011fil, adalet ve e\u015fitlik i\u00e7eren bir toplumsal d\u00fczen (positive peace) oldu\u011funu vurgulayan literat\u00fcr, \u00f6zellikle ele\u015ftirel bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde belirginle\u015fir (Galtung, 1969). Ancak bu ideal, hegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerce yeniden \u00e7er\u00e7evelendi\u011finde bar\u0131\u015f; \u201cmevcut d\u00fczenin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi\u201dne indirgenir.<\/p>\n
Gramsci\u2019nin (1971) hegemonya kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n neden \u201cdo\u011fal\u201d ve \u201cmant\u0131kl\u0131\u201d bir \u015fekilde g\u00fc\u00e7 sahiplerinin kontrol\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamak i\u00e7in elveri\u015flidir. Hegemonya, yaln\u0131zca zora dayal\u0131 bir tahakk\u00fcm de\u011fil; r\u0131zan\u0131n \u00fcretimi yoluyla kurulan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ahlaki bir liderlik bi\u00e7imidir. Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc gibi kurumlar da bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u201cahlaki sermaye \u00fcretim alanlar\u0131\u201d olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6rebilir.<\/p>\n
Postkolonyal literat\u00fcr, Bat\u0131 merkezli bar\u0131\u015f ve insan haklar\u0131 s\u00f6yleminin kolonyal g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerini yeniden \u00fcretti\u011fini savunur (Said, 1978; Spivak, 1988). \u201cMazlum\u201d co\u011frafyalar, bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi s\u00f6yleminin \u00f6znesi olmaktan \u00e7ok, \u00fczerinde bu s\u00f6ylemlerin denendi\u011fi laboratuvar alanlar\u0131 h\u00e2line gelir.<\/p>\n
Chomsky (1999), Roy (2003) ve \u017di\u017eek (2008) gibi yazarlar, \u201cinsani m\u00fcdahale\u201d ve \u201casker\u00ee humanizm\u201d s\u00f6ylemlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu zaman asker\u00ee operasyonlar\u0131n me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 ideolojik k\u0131l\u0131flar\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede bar\u0131\u015f \u00f6d\u00fclleri, s\u0131k s\u0131k Bat\u0131 merkezli norm \u00fcretiminin vitrini olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
Foucault\u2019nun (1978) biyopolitika kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, modern iktidar\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen, kimin \u00f6lebilece\u011fine karar veren bir yap\u0131ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koyar. Butler (2004) ise \u201cyas tutulabilir hayatlar\u201d ile \u201cyas tutulamaz hayatlar\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131n, k\u00fcresel \u015fiddetin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde merkezi bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer.<\/p>\n
Bu literat\u00fcr, Yemen\u2019de, Gazze\u2019de, Afganistan\u2019da ya da Afrika\u2019n\u0131n farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde \u00f6len sivillerin neden k\u00fcresel g\u00fcndemde \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u201cistisna\u201d ya da yaln\u0131zca \u201cistatistiksel ayr\u0131nt\u0131\u201d d\u00fczeyinde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in kritik bir teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve sunar.<\/p>\n
Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn tarihsel seyrine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, etik kayg\u0131lardan \u00e7ok jeopolitik dengelere paralel kararlar\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Henry Kissinger\u2019\u0131n Vietnam\u2019daki y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n ortas\u0131nda \u00f6d\u00fcllendirilmesi, Obama\u2019n\u0131n neredeyse \u201cpe\u015fin bar\u0131\u015f kredisi\u201d ile onurland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Aung San Suu Kyi \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi \u00f6d\u00fcl sahiplerinin sonraki pratiklerinin \u00f6d\u00fclle a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u00e7eli\u015fmesi, bu kurumsal erozyonun \u00f6nemli u\u011fraklar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f \u00f6d\u00fclleri bu ba\u011flamda, \u201cetik performans\u0131n\u201d de\u011fil, \u201cpolitik performans\u0131n\u201d tescili h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. \u00d6d\u00fcl, art\u0131k bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten in\u015fa edenler i\u00e7in de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel anlat\u0131ya uygun d\u00fc\u015fen akt\u00f6rler i\u00e7in verilen bir sembole d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Trump\u2019a madalya takdim edilmesi, bu s\u00fcrecin mant\u0131ksal s\u0131n\u0131r noktas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret eder:<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f, sava\u015f\u0131n mimarlar\u0131n\u0131n elinde bir vitrin s\u00fcs\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kavramsal i\u00e7eri\u011fini bo\u015faltmakla kalmamakta; mazlum halklar\u0131n bar\u0131\u015f talebini de \u00e7\u0131kar odakl\u0131 k\u00fcresel retori\u011fin g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7inde bo\u011fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Trumpizm yaln\u0131zca bir liderin politik tarz\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; nativist, beyaz \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc, g\u00f6\u00e7men kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve sald\u0131rgan g\u00fcvenlik\u00e7i bir siyasal hatt\u0131 ifade eden sembolik bir ad h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. Bu hat, insan haklar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00fc\u00e7 temel d\u00fczlemde y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar \u00fcretir:<\/p>\n
Bu \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczlem birle\u015fti\u011finde, Trump gibi bir liderin bar\u0131\u015fla ili\u015fkilendirilmesi, insan haklar\u0131 literat\u00fcr\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kategorik bir \u00e7eli\u015fki do\u011furur. Nefret s\u00f6ylemini, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve militarizmi normalle\u015ftiren bir siyasi fig\u00fcr\u00fcn bar\u0131\u015fla yan yana getirilmesi etik bak\u0131mdan \u201cabs\u00fcrt\u201d, politik bak\u0131mdan ise \u201ctehlikeli\u201ddir.<\/p>\n
Arendt\u2019in (1963) \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn s\u0131radanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d tespiti bu noktada daha ileri bir boyut kazan\u0131r: K\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca s\u0131radan de\u011fil, kurumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve \u00f6d\u00fcllendirilmi\u015f durumdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Mazlum halklar\u0131n ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fcresel sistemde duyulmamas\u0131 tesad\u00fcfi de\u011fil; yap\u0131sal bir sonu\u00e7tur. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezlik, en az a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fiddet kadar politik bir \u015fiddet bi\u00e7imi olarak okunmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Gazze\u2019de bombalanan siviller, Yemen\u2019de a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6len \u00e7ocuklar, Akdeniz\u2019de bo\u011fulan m\u00fclteciler, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman haber b\u00fcltenlerinde yaln\u0131zca \u201crakam\u201d olarak yer al\u0131r. Bu durum, Butler\u2019\u0131n (2004) s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi \u201cyas tutulabilir hayatlar\u201d ile \u201cyas tutulamaz hayatlar\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131 somutla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Mazlum halklar\u0131n kay\u0131plar\u0131, politik olarak anlaml\u0131 bir yas nesnesi olarak tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece bu \u00f6l\u00fcmler k\u00fcresel vicdanda iz b\u0131rakmaz. \u0130z b\u0131rakmayan \u00f6l\u00fcmler i\u00e7in hesap sorulamaz; hesap sorulamayan \u015fiddet ise yeniden \u00fcretilir.<\/p>\n
Devletlerin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda suskun kalmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131nda iki temel fakt\u00f6r bulunur:<\/p>\n
Bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisi, uluslararas\u0131 toplumun \u201cahlaki refleksini\u201d fel\u00e7 eder. Ele\u015ftirel seslerin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, yaln\u0131zca vicdan eksikli\u011finden de\u011fil; yap\u0131sal korkudan beslenir. Bu nedenle Trump gibi liderlere y\u00f6nelen tepkiler \u00e7o\u011fu zaman s\u00f6n\u00fck, \u00e7ekingen ve yar\u0131m kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Trump\u2019a bar\u0131\u015f madalyas\u0131 takdim edilmesi, k\u00fcresel ahlaki d\u00fczenin krizi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan iki d\u00fczeyde okunabilir:<\/p>\n
Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, literat\u00fcrde ve sivil toplum pratiklerinde farkl\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etmeye y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalar da mevcuttur. Bu \u00e7abalar \u00fc\u00e7 noktada yo\u011funla\u015fmaktad\u0131r:<\/p>\n
Bu makale, Trump\u2019a y\u00f6neltilen ele\u015ftirileri ki\u015fisel d\u00fczeyde bir siyasal antipatiye indirgememekte; tam tersine bu \u00f6rne\u011fi, bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n kimin elinde, hangi ama\u00e7la ve kimlere ra\u011fmen kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair yap\u0131sal bir soru\u015fturman\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak ele almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Venezuelal\u0131 muhalif lider Mar\u00eda Corina Machado\u2019nun Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc madalyas\u0131n\u0131 Donald Trump\u2019a takdim etmesi, yaln\u0131zca sembolik bir jest de\u011fil; bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n, ulusal onurun ve halk iradesinin siyasal manip\u00fclasyona nas\u0131l kurban edildi\u011fini g\u00f6steren kompleks bir vakad\u0131r. Bu olay, k\u00fcresel siyasette hegemonya, postkolonyal ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ve siyasal ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rma literat\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti\u011fi \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek te\u015fkil etmektedir.<\/p>\n
Machado\u2019nun Nobel\u2019e uzanan yolu, Venezuela muhalefetinin Bat\u0131 nezdinde \u201ckabul g\u00f6ren y\u00fcz\u00fc\u201d olarak in\u015fa edilmesiyle do\u011frudan ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Latin Amerika \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan pek \u00e7ok g\u00f6zlemci, bu s\u00fcrecin yaln\u0131zca bir insan haklar\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgesel stratejisinin bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 olarak \u015fekillendi\u011fini belirtmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamda Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc, t\u0131pk\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00f6rneklerde oldu\u011fu gibi, bir \u201cbar\u0131\u015f performans\u0131n\u0131\u201d de\u011fil, jeopolitik uyumu \u00f6d\u00fcllendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Bu perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00f6d\u00fcl, Venezuela halk\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinden ziyade Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n uygun g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasal y\u00f6nelimin onaylanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Machado\u2019nun, y\u0131llar s\u00fcren ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f, yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar, g\u00f6\u00e7 ve politik bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda ezilen halk\u0131n\u0131n direni\u015f sembol\u00fcn\u00fc al\u0131p Trump gibi militarist bir fig\u00fcre sunmas\u0131, hem tarihsel hem de ahlaki a\u00e7\u0131dan bir t\u00fcr \u201csiyasal ink\u00e2r\u201da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
S\u00f6z konusu olay, basit bir diplomatik protokol de\u011fil; ki\u015fisel kariyer motivasyonunun bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7irildi\u011fi bir \u201csiyasal r\u00fc\u015fvet esteti\u011fi\u201d olarak da okunabilir. Machado, gelecekte Venezuela\u2019n\u0131n y\u00f6netiminde ABD etkisini kendi lehine \u00e7ekmek ad\u0131na, bar\u0131\u015f \u00f6d\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc bir t\u00fcr \u201csadakat ni\u015fanesi\u201d olarak pazarlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu noktada \u00f6d\u00fcl, halk m\u00fccadelesinin simgesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak bireyin kendi siyasal gelece\u011fi i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir m\u00fczakere arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Postkolonyal literat\u00fcrde s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen \u201csubaltern elitlerin efendiye yak\u0131nla\u015fma stratejisi\u201d (Spivak, 1988) burada t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6zlenebilir: Halk ad\u0131na konu\u015ftu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyen bir muhalif, kendi iktidar ihtimalini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek i\u00e7in halk\u0131n sembollerini hegemonik g\u00fcce sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu durum, Venezuela\u2019da yaln\u0131zca bir gaf ya da diplomatik hata olarak de\u011fil, do\u011frudan bir \u201cihanet\u201d eylemi olarak da yorumlanmaktad\u0131r. Zira Trump\u2019\u0131n Venezuela dosyas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fc \u2013ekonomik yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n sertle\u015fmesi, siyasi bask\u0131lar\u0131n artmas\u0131 ve \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahaleye daha a\u00e7\u0131k h\u00e2le gelmesi\u2013 halk\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 travman\u0131n do\u011frudan par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Machado\u2019nun, bu ac\u0131lar\u0131 temsil eden bir \u00f6d\u00fcl\u00fc o ac\u0131lar\u0131n k\u00fcresel mimarlar\u0131ndan birine sunmas\u0131, ulusal onurun siyaseten ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n dramatik bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Bu, Arendt\u2019in (1963) siyasal sorumlulu\u011fun erozyonu olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavrama birebir uyar: Siyasal akt\u00f6r, halk\u0131 ad\u0131na hareket etti\u011fini iddia ederken, halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, kendi gelece\u011fini merkeze al\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Nobel Komitesi, olay\u0131n ard\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca prosed\u00fcrel bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yaparak madalyan\u0131n devredilemeyece\u011fini belirtmi\u015f; fakat hadisenin ahlaki ve siyasi i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair tek bir kelime etmeye cesaret edememi\u015ftir. Bu \u00e7ekingenlik, yaln\u0131zca kurumsal bir tutum de\u011fil; yap\u0131sal bir korku ikliminin ifadesidir.<\/p>\n
Komite, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Venezuela dosyas\u0131ndaki pozisyonunu sorgular nitelikte bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yapmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nm\u0131\u015f; b\u00f6ylece bar\u0131\u015f \u00f6d\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc etik bir sembol olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p politik dengeyi koruyan teknik bir prosed\u00fcre indirgemi\u015ftir. Daha da vahimi, uluslararas\u0131 entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evreler de b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde suskundur. Ne insan haklar\u0131 savunucular\u0131, ne Latin Amerika ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131 ne de k\u00fcresel bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 uzmanlar\u0131 bu olaya hak etti\u011fi ele\u015ftirel tepkiyi g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bu suskunluk, k\u00fcresel entelekt\u00fcel ortam\u0131n i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc normatif korku ikliminin somut g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n
Ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan manzara yaln\u0131zca ironik de\u011fil; insanl\u0131k ad\u0131na sars\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 temsil eden bir \u00f6d\u00fcl, d\u00fcnyay\u0131 y\u0131llarca gerilimlerle, tehditlerle ve militarist \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flarla sarsm\u0131\u015f bir fig\u00fcre sunulmakta; bunu yapan akt\u00f6r, kendi halk\u0131n\u0131n ac\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden siyasal gelecek in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakta; Nobel Komitesi normatif bir pozisyon almaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmakta; d\u00fcnya entelekt\u00fcelleri ise g\u00fc\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sessizli\u011fe boyun e\u011fmektedir.<\/p>\n
Bu tablo, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n art\u0131k halklar\u0131n de\u011fil, g\u00fc\u00e7 sahiplerinin m\u00fclk\u00fc h\u00e2line geldi\u011fini g\u00f6steren en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerden biridir. Machado vakas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca Venezuela\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel siyasetin bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn de \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Trump\u2019a bar\u0131\u015f madalyas\u0131 takdim edilmesi, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011finin bo\u015falt\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, insan haklar\u0131n\u0131n se\u00e7ici bi\u00e7imde uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131, mazlum halklar\u0131n sistematik olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftirildi\u011fi bir uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczenin aynas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu aynada g\u00f6r\u00fcnen manzara, yaln\u0131zca \u00e7arp\u0131k bir g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi de\u011fil; \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f bir k\u00fcresel ahlakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu nedenle as\u0131l soru \u015fudur:<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 kim tan\u0131mlayacak ve kimin ad\u0131na konu\u015facakt\u0131r?<\/p>\n
Bar\u0131\u015f; devletlerin, b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ve kurumsal \u00f6d\u00fcl mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n elinden al\u0131nmad\u0131k\u00e7a; sava\u015f\u0131n ger\u00e7ek y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yan halklar\u0131n, g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin, yoksullar\u0131n ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sonras\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n deneyimlerinden yeniden in\u015fa edilmedik\u00e7e, her yeni madalya asl\u0131nda yeni bir ink\u00e2r belgesi olarak dola\u015f\u0131ma girecektir.<\/p>\n
\u201cBar\u0131\u015f\u0131n geri al\u0131nmas\u0131\u201d, kavram\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 sahiplerinden de\u011fil, hak sahiplerinden yana yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiren uzun ve sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeleyi ima etmektedir. Bu m\u00fccadele verilmedik\u00e7e madalyalar parlamaya devam edecek; ancak insanl\u0131k karanl\u0131kta kalacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Arendt, H. (1963). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A report on the banality of evil<\/em>. Viking Press.<\/p>\n Butler, J. (2004). Precarious life: The powers of mourning and violence<\/em>. Verso.<\/p>\n Chomsky, N. (1999). The new military humanism: Lessons from Kosovo<\/em>. Common Courage Press.<\/p>\n Foucault, M. (1978). The history of sexuality, Volume 1: An introduction<\/em> (R. Hurley, Trans.). Pantheon Books.<\/p>\n Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, peace, and peace research. Journal of Peace Research, 6<\/em>(3), 167\u2013191.<\/p>\n Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks<\/em> (Q. Hoare & G. N. Smith, Eds. & Trans.). International Publishers.<\/p>\n Roy, A. (2003). War talk<\/em>. South End Press.<\/p>\n Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism<\/em>. Pantheon Books.<\/p>\n Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the subaltern speak? In C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and the interpretation of culture<\/em> (pp. 271\u2013313). University of Illinois Press.<\/p>\n \u017di\u017eek, S. (2008). Violence: Six sideways reflections<\/em>. Picador.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Trump\u2019a tak\u0131lan Nobel Bar\u0131\u015f madalyas\u0131n\u0131, k\u00fcresel vicdan\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc simgeleyen bir \u201cahlaki iflas belgesi\u201d olarak okuyan bu makale; bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131n\u0131n hegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerce nas\u0131l gasbedildi\u011fini, Mar\u00eda Corina Machado vakas\u0131 \u00fczerinden ulusal onur ve halk iradesinin nas\u0131l pazarl\u0131k nesnesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n yeniden halklar\u0131n, mazlumlar\u0131n ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sonras\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n elinden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunarak, madalyalar\u0131n parlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ama insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n karard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemin politik anatomisini \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1518,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1517","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analiz"],"yoast_head":"\n